This illustration has been created by AI to use in this article only.
nder President Xi Jinping, the People’s Republic of China is witnessing a constant strengthening of its domestic political system
and economic structure, along with an increasingly significant involvement in world affairs. China has definitively become a superpower of our century, boasting the second-largest economy in the world, revitalized and modernized armed forces, and a slow but relentless development of soft power through culture and a confident, conflict-avoiding rhetoric on the international stage.
These achievements were not created overnight: Xi Jinping’s model of governance and political thought reflect a long and complex series of principles rooted in Chinese culture and society, historical events and their reinterpretations, combined with the leader’s personal background, the Chinese Communist Party’s approach, and Xi Jinping’s own political vision. This intricate and heavily heterogeneous mix of ingredients is shaping China’s current foreign policy.
Understanding this complex philosophy of thought allows for a better understanding of contemporary China, not only as an actor in the international sphere but also as a culture that presents deep differences and genuine alternatives in its vision of world order compared to those in the West. Only by grasping these principles at their core is it possible to establish constructive relationships with Beijing.
In order to unravel and understand the core principles of Chinese leadership, governance, and foreign policy, this article will explore Chinese political philosophy traditions, modern Chinese history, and Xi Jinping’s personal background. It will then explain the key political concepts developed by Xi’s administration and their influence on both domestic and foreign policy.
Chinese Political Philosophy Traditions
Xi Jinping’s political philosophy takes its roots from China’s multi-millennial culture, which, to a certain extent, still influences Chinese society today. Three main traditions of Chinese political philosophy emerged during the imperial age: Daoism, Buddhism, and Confucianism. It is worth noting that these three traditions developed at different times and differ significantly in several aspects. Nevertheless, Chinese culture has absorbed and embodied these philosophies to varying degrees throughout the imperial era, and they continue to define some core principles in Chinese society, even after the establishment of Marxist doctrine in the People’s Republic of China.
Daoism is both a religion and a philosophy developed in ancient China. Its central text, the Tao Te Ching, is attributed to Laozi, who is widely regarded as the founder of Daoism and is believed to have lived in the 6th century BC. According to Daoism’s main principles, a good government is one that respects the natural flow of things and refrains from unnecessary interference in external matters. Contemporary principles of Chinese foreign policy, such as non-interference in other states’ internal affairs, peaceful coexistence, and strategic patience, partially stem from this traditional way of thinking.
Buddhism represents another core religion and philosophy of ancient China. It originated in ancient India and later spread across East Asia, developing different currents and interpretations based on the region or country. Chinese Buddhism remains a part of contemporary Chinese society to varying extents depending on the province, but it continues to be influential. Buddhist culture in China emphasizes the concept of harmony within society and among different groups. Policies such as Hu Jintao’s “harmonious society,” further developed by Xi Jinping, and the concept of “和而不同” (harmony in diversity) promoted during Xi Jinping’s presidency are examples of policies with Buddhist roots.
Under President Xi Jinping, the People’s Republic of China is witnessing a constant strengthening of its domestic political system and economic structure, along with an increasingly significant involvement in world affairs. China has definitively become a superpower of our century, boasting the second-largest economy in the world, revitalized and modernized armed forces, and a slow but relentless development of soft power through culture and a confident, conflict-avoiding rhetoric on the international stage.
These achievements were not created overnight: Xi Jinping’s model of governance and political thought reflect a long and complex series of principles rooted in Chinese culture and society, historical events and their reinterpretations, combined with the leader’s personal background, the Chinese Communist Party’s approach, and Xi Jinping’s own political vision. This intricate and heavily heterogeneous mix of ingredients is shaping China’s current foreign policy.
Understanding this complex philosophy of thought allows for a better understanding of contemporary China, not only as an actor in the international sphere but also as a culture that presents deep differences and genuine alternatives in its vision of world order compared to those in the West. Only by grasping these principles at their core is it possible to establish constructive relationships with Beijing.
In order to unravel and understand the core principles of Chinese leadership, governance, and foreign policy, this article will explore Chinese political philosophy traditions, modern Chinese history, and Xi Jinping’s personal background. It will then explain the key political concepts developed by Xi’s administration and their influence on both domestic and foreign policy.
Chinese Political Philosophy Traditions
Xi Jinping’s political philosophy takes its roots from China’s multi-millennial culture, which, to a certain extent, still influences Chinese society today. Three main traditions of Chinese political philosophy emerged during the imperial age: Daoism, Buddhism, and Confucianism. It is worth noting that these three traditions developed at different times and differ significantly in several aspects. Nevertheless, Chinese culture has absorbed and embodied these philosophies to varying degrees throughout the imperial era, and they continue to define some core principles in Chinese society, even after the establishment of Marxist doctrine in the People’s Republic of China.
Daoism is both a religion and a philosophy developed in ancient China. Its central text, the Tao Te Ching, is attributed to Laozi, who is widely regarded as the founder of Daoism and is believed to have lived in the 6th century BC. According to Daoism’s main principles, a good government is one that respects the natural flow of things and refrains from unnecessary interference in external matters. Contemporary principles of Chinese foreign policy, such as non-interference in other states’ internal affairs, peaceful coexistence, and strategic patience, partially stem from this traditional way of thinking.
Buddhism represents another core religion and philosophy of ancient China. It originated in ancient India and later spread across East Asia, developing different currents and interpretations based on the region or country. Chinese Buddhism remains a part of contemporary Chinese society to varying extents depending on the province, but it continues to be influential. Buddhist culture in China emphasizes the concept of harmony within society and among different groups. Policies such as Hu Jintao’s “harmonious society,” further developed by Xi Jinping, and the concept of “和而不同” (harmony in diversity) promoted during Xi Jinping’s presidency are examples of policies with Buddhist roots.
Lastly, Confucianism is arguably the most influential political philosophy of ancient China. Developed by Confucius, a philosopher from the fifth century BC, this philosophy outlines models of good governance. According to Confucius, the most important values for a good government and society are hierarchy, social harmony, and moral leadership. Confucianism advocates for a strong but benevolent leader (the “benevolent ruler”), and Xi Jinping has incorporated this principle into his governance style. He positions himself as a unifying figure who upholds traditional Chinese values such as family, respect for authority, and national loyalty.
Chinese Modern History
Chinese modern history has profoundly affected Chinese society and leadership since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. First and foremost, the so-called “century of humiliation” negatively shaped China’s perception of itself and the world. The Opium Wars, the unequal treaties with Western powers, and the bloody, brutal wars with Japan—particularly the Second Sino-Japanese War—took a heavy toll on Chinese society, leaving a lingering sense of inadequacy, weakness, and humiliation among the Chinese people when comparing themselves to the outside world.
This feeling of humiliation was further exacerbated by memories of a great past. Until the 19th century, imperial China was regarded as an incredibly strong empire that ruled over East Asia through a system of satellite states, which paid tributes to Beijing in exchange for political favors and military protection. The invasions by the so-called “barbarians” into the Middle Kingdom led to a period of political instability within China, beginning with the transition from empire to republic, followed by the era of warlords, and culminating in the Chinese Civil War. This civil war, fought between the nationalists under Chiang Kai-shek and the communists led by Mao Zedong, paused during the conflict with Japan but resumed in 1945.
The Chinese Civil War lasted until 1949, when Chairman Mao seized power in China, forcing Chiang Kai-shek to retreat to Taiwan, where he established a new Republic of China led by the Kuomintang, his political party. These dramatic experiences shaped the priorities of all leaders of the People’s Republic of China, from Mao Zedong to Xi Jinping. They focused on critical issues such as territorial sovereignty and the non-interference of foreign powers in internal affairs. At the same time, they developed a strong narrative centered on rising from oppression, emphasizing that only the Chinese people can shape China’s future and restore its status as a great and powerful country reminiscent of its imperial past.
Xi Jinping’s Personal Background
Xi Jinping was born in 1953 into a prominent political family. His father, Xi Zhongxun, was a veteran revolutionary leader during Mao’s Marxist revolution and a former Vice Premier. This family background played a critical role in shaping Xi’s political trajectory. However, during the Cultural Revolution, Xi’s family faced persecution, and he was sent to the rural province of Shaanxi for “re-education.” This experience in the countryside is said to have had a lasting impact on Xi’s understanding of China’s rural population and its economic and daily challenges.
Xi Jinping studied chemical engineering at Tsinghua University and later pursued postgraduate studies in Marxist theory, deepening his interest in political ideology and governance. He worked his way through various political roles at the local and provincial levels, including serving as Party Secretary in Zhejiang and Fujian provinces. Demonstrating excellent leadership and management skills, he was promoted to Vice President of China in 2008 during Hu Jintao’s presidency. In 2012, he became the General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and in 2013, he was elected President of the People’s Republic of China, solidifying his position as the paramount leader of China.
Together with Chinese traditional ways of thought, which form a key part of Xi Jinping’s philosophical backbone, three main political visions have deeply influenced his perspective on governance throughout his career: Mao Zedong’s thought, Deng Xiaoping’s reforms, and modern CCP ideology. Mao Zedong’s thought has shaped Xi’s vision of the primacy of the Communist Party in every aspect of society. In his speeches during Party Congresses and New Year addresses, Xi often invokes principles such as class struggle, the need for strong leadership, and the idea that the Party must lead China through continuous revolution to maintain its purity.
On the other hand, Deng Xiaoping’s 改革开放 (Reform and Opening Up) policy from the late 1970s and 1980s has heavily influenced Xi’s economic vision, particularly its focus on liberalizing the Chinese market by gradually reducing the role of the state in the economy. However, Xi simultaneously promotes the concept of the “party-state,” ensuring that the government retains control over key sectors of the economy to prevent capitalism from undermining the CCP’s power.
Furthermore, Xi has also been influenced by modern Chinese Communist Party ideology. Initially formulated by Deng Xiaoping and later refined by Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, the Party’s modern ideology emphasizes the importance of adapting Marxism to China’s unique national and cultural conditions. This approach has led to the development of the so-called “socialism with Chinese characteristics” for the new era, where both a market economy and state authority are integral components of Beijing’s governance.
The National Strategy
This complex mix of old and new political philosophies—combining a pursuit of harmony with a determination for China to rise again as a primary actor in international relations—represents the core of Xi Jinping’s political thought. This philosophy translates into confident yet multifaceted policies, both domestically and internationally, which are often difficult to fully grasp from an outside perspective.
In domestic politics, Xi has focused on centralizing power, reducing the influence of potential rivals within the Party, and asserting personal control over key aspects of governance. For instance, Xi serves as the head of the Central Military Commission (CMC), maintaining direct authority over the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Furthermore, with the reform of the constitution, Xi has secured the ability to serve as President of the People’s Republic of China for life.
This centralization of power is justified by Xi Jinping as necessary to simplify decision-making mechanisms, enabling faster implementation of domestic reforms and foreign policy decisions to accelerate China’s rise as a superpower. Internally, this includes a more efficient redistribution of wealth to the people, while externally, it involves adopting a more proactive stance on international issues. One notable domestic policy initiated by Xi in 2012 has been the Anti-Corruption Campaign. By targeting both high-ranking officials (“Tigers”) and lower-level bureaucrats (“Flies”), this campaign increased Xi’s overall support among the Chinese people.
This campaign has sparked debate over whether it was primarily a tool for eliminating political rivals and consolidating power or if it was a neo-Confucian policy designed to purify leadership for the sake of good governance. Likely, both factors played a role. Other important domestic initiatives include the Chinese Dream and the Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation, both aimed at improving the economic conditions of the Chinese people, redistributing wealth within society, and implementing social policies that have strengthened national unity.
These policies are aimed at creating a harmonious society, with social stability considered a fundamental condition for China’s rise. Again, this policy is multifaceted. Taking Xinjiang and Tibet as examples—regions characterized by significant ethnic minority populations—Xi has pushed to reduce separatism and social unrest by centralizing the administration of these provinces under his control. This approach includes, on one hand, applying coercive measures to prevent separatist actions, while on the other hand, supporting these peripheral regions by sending teachers and doctors to improve education and healthcare for local citizens.
These actions reflect a dual strategy: a willingness to unify Chinese society while acknowledging cultural diversity. On one hand, Xi’s approach incorporates Maoist and Confucian principles of societal uniformity. On the other, it draws from Buddhist and Daoist ideals of harmony within society, alongside Marxist principles of providing public healthcare and education for all.
Xi’s Global Doctrine
Xi’s major aim in foreign policy has been, since the beginning, to position China as a global power, albeit with a more indirect approach. On one hand, the Chinese president has embraced a more assertive foreign policy, particularly regarding Taiwan and the South China Sea. On the other hand, he has focused on expanding China’s global influence through economic, diplomatic, and military means. China’s growing economic clout, military modernization, and efforts to reshape international institutions have positioned Xi as a key figure in the global geopolitical landscape, contributing to the perception of China’s rebirth from the humiliations of the past.
Furthermore, Xi’s attempts to reform global governance in institutions such as the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the World Trade Organization suggest his government’s intent to build an alternative model of world governance, with China as a dominant power within it. This intent is also evident in the creation of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a trade project aimed at strengthening ties with over 140 countries by financing infrastructure projects like roads, ports, and railways to enhance Chinese influence across Asia, Africa, and Europe. The BRI can be seen as a neo-Maoist project, seeking to revitalize the socialist revolution, which, according to Mao, should begin in the countryside (the Third World and peripheral areas) before spreading to the cities (Europe and America).
Yet, on the other hand, Xi’s diplomatic discourse has always been conciliatory and benevolent. Economic partners in the BRI, despite some concerns about a potential debt trap, continue to benefit from the Chinese project, which, according to Xi, offers financial support for developing countries and aims to serve as a bridge between the East and the West, much like the ancient Silk Road. Additionally, the development of the BRICS community represents a step toward China’s economic independence from U.S. protectionist policies toward Beijing. However, this does not imply that Beijing seeks to dominate the world through its economic power.
To better understand Xi’s foreign policy choices, it is useful to consider the concept of “harmony in diversity” rooted in Buddhism, which has been adapted into a political theory for 21st-century China by contemporary Chinese philosopher Zhao Tingyang. According to Zhao, the world does not need a single interpretation of governance. Unlike the West, which focuses on projecting its values globally, the Chinese model of governance does not aim for domination but rather seeks to harmonize international relations between diverse societies and cultures.
Thus, according to Zhao, harmony in diversity entails a commitment by all actors to establish constructive relations with others while recognizing the differing cultural backgrounds of their counterparts. This awareness leads to diverse visions of world order. In this context, institutions like the IMF, the World Bank, and the WTO can be seen as reflecting Western values. In contrast, the BRICS and the BRI embody a different vision of world order. The United Nations, however, may serve as a synthesis of these various visions, functioning as the international institution where harmonious relationships can be cultivated.
As a result, Xi’s political thought is highly complex, drawing from a variety of philosophical traditions, historical memories, and personal experiences. The ancient is intertwined with the modern, force is balanced with diplomacy, and the personal is connected to the collective. At times, this heterogeneous vision may appear ambivalent, while at other times, it is remarkably coherent. Certain policies may highlight elements of one tradition, while others draw from different traditions.
More specifically, most of the time, elements of one tradition combine with elements of another to create multifaceted policies. To a Western observer, this may seem confusing. Yet, if there is one lesson that Xi and, in general, Chinese politicians have learned from their millennial and rich history, it is that the realm of politics is the realm of compromise. As Daoism suggests: Yin and Yang may initially appear as two opposite forces, yet one cannot exist without the other. Once this concept is grasped, one can begin to truly understand Chinese politics.
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Lastly, Confucianism is arguably the most influential political philosophy of ancient China. Developed by Confucius, a philosopher from the fifth century BC, this philosophy outlines models of good governance. According to Confucius, the most important values for a good government and society are hierarchy, social harmony, and moral leadership. Confucianism advocates for a strong but benevolent leader (the “benevolent ruler”), and Xi Jinping has incorporated this principle into his governance style. He positions himself as a unifying figure who upholds traditional Chinese values such as family, respect for authority, and national loyalty.
Chinese Modern History
Chinese modern history has profoundly affected Chinese society and leadership since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. First and foremost, the so-called “century of humiliation” negatively shaped China’s perception of itself and the world. The Opium Wars, the unequal treaties with Western powers, and the bloody, brutal wars with Japan—particularly the Second Sino-Japanese War—took a heavy toll on Chinese society, leaving a lingering sense of inadequacy, weakness, and humiliation among the Chinese people when comparing themselves to the outside world.
This feeling of humiliation was further exacerbated by memories of a great past. Until the 19th century, imperial China was regarded as an incredibly strong empire that ruled over East Asia through a system of satellite states, which paid tributes to Beijing in exchange for political favors and military protection. The invasions by the so-called “barbarians” into the Middle Kingdom led to a period of political instability within China, beginning with the transition from empire to republic, followed by the era of warlords, and culminating in the Chinese Civil War. This civil war, fought between the nationalists under Chiang Kai-shek and the communists led by Mao Zedong, paused during the conflict with Japan but resumed in 1945.
The Chinese Civil War lasted until 1949, when Chairman Mao seized power in China, forcing Chiang Kai-shek to retreat to Taiwan, where he established a new Republic of China led by the Kuomintang, his political party. These dramatic experiences shaped the priorities of all leaders of the People’s Republic of China, from Mao Zedong to Xi Jinping. They focused on critical issues such as territorial sovereignty and the non-interference of foreign powers in internal affairs. At the same time, they developed a strong narrative centered on rising from oppression, emphasizing that only the Chinese people can shape China’s future and restore its status as a great and powerful country reminiscent of its imperial past.
Xi Jinping’s Personal Background
Xi Jinping was born in 1953 into a prominent political family. His father, Xi Zhongxun, was a veteran revolutionary leader during Mao’s Marxist revolution and a former Vice Premier. This family background played a critical role in shaping Xi’s political trajectory. However, during the Cultural Revolution, Xi’s family faced persecution, and he was sent to the rural province of Shaanxi for “re-education.” This experience in the countryside is said to have had a lasting impact on Xi’s understanding of China’s rural population and its economic and daily challenges.
Xi Jinping studied chemical engineering at Tsinghua University and later pursued postgraduate studies in Marxist theory, deepening his interest in political ideology and governance. He worked his way through various political roles at the local and provincial levels, including serving as Party Secretary in Zhejiang and Fujian provinces. Demonstrating excellent leadership and management skills, he was promoted to Vice President of China in 2008 during Hu Jintao’s presidency. In 2012, he became the General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and in 2013, he was elected President of the People’s Republic of China, solidifying his position as the paramount leader of China.
Together with Chinese traditional ways of thought, which form a key part of Xi Jinping’s philosophical backbone, three main political visions have deeply influenced his perspective on governance throughout his career: Mao Zedong’s thought, Deng Xiaoping’s reforms, and modern CCP ideology. Mao Zedong’s thought has shaped Xi’s vision of the primacy of the Communist Party in every aspect of society. In his speeches during Party Congresses and New Year addresses, Xi often invokes principles such as class struggle, the need for strong leadership, and the idea that the Party must lead China through continuous revolution to maintain its purity.
On the other hand, Deng Xiaoping’s 改革开放 (Reform and Opening Up) policy from the late 1970s and 1980s has heavily influenced Xi’s economic vision, particularly its focus on liberalizing the Chinese market by gradually reducing the role of the state in the economy. However, Xi simultaneously promotes the concept of the “party-state,” ensuring that the government retains control over key sectors of the economy to prevent capitalism from undermining the CCP’s power.
Furthermore, Xi has also been influenced by modern Chinese Communist Party ideology. Initially formulated by Deng Xiaoping and later refined by Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, the Party’s modern ideology emphasizes the importance of adapting Marxism to China’s unique national and cultural conditions. This approach has led to the development of the so-called “socialism with Chinese characteristics” for the new era, where both a market economy and state authority are integral components of Beijing’s governance.
The National Strategy
This complex mix of old and new political philosophies—combining a pursuit of harmony with a determination for China to rise again as a primary actor in international relations—represents the core of Xi Jinping’s political thought. This philosophy translates into confident yet multifaceted policies, both domestically and internationally, which are often difficult to fully grasp from an outside perspective.
In domestic politics, Xi has focused on centralizing power, reducing the influence of potential rivals within the Party, and asserting personal control over key aspects of governance. For instance, Xi serves as the head of the Central Military Commission (CMC), maintaining direct authority over the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Furthermore, with the reform of the constitution, Xi has secured the ability to serve as President of the People’s Republic of China for life.
This centralization of power is justified by Xi Jinping as necessary to simplify decision-making mechanisms, enabling faster implementation of domestic reforms and foreign policy decisions to accelerate China’s rise as a superpower. Internally, this includes a more efficient redistribution of wealth to the people, while externally, it involves adopting a more proactive stance on international issues. One notable domestic policy initiated by Xi in 2012 has been the Anti-Corruption Campaign. By targeting both high-ranking officials (“Tigers”) and lower-level bureaucrats (“Flies”), this campaign increased Xi’s overall support among the Chinese people.
This campaign has sparked debate over whether it was primarily a tool for eliminating political rivals and consolidating power or if it was a neo-Confucian policy designed to purify leadership for the sake of good governance. Likely, both factors played a role. Other important domestic initiatives include the Chinese Dream and the Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation, both aimed at improving the economic conditions of the Chinese people, redistributing wealth within society, and implementing social policies that have strengthened national unity.
These policies are aimed at creating a harmonious society, with social stability considered a fundamental condition for China’s rise. Again, this policy is multifaceted. Taking Xinjiang and Tibet as examples—regions characterized by significant ethnic minority populations—Xi has pushed to reduce separatism and social unrest
by centralizing the administration of these provinces under his control. This approach includes, on one hand, applying coercive measures to prevent separatist actions, while on the other hand, supporting these peripheral regions by sending teachers and doctors to improve education and healthcare for local citizens.
These actions reflect a dual strategy: a willingness to unify Chinese society while acknowledging cultural diversity. On one hand, Xi’s approach incorporates Maoist and Confucian principles of societal uniformity. On the other, it draws from Buddhist and Daoist ideals of harmony within society, alongside Marxist principles of providing public healthcare and education for all.
Xi’s Global Doctrine
Xi’s major aim in foreign policy has been, since the beginning, to position China as a global power, albeit with a more indirect approach. On one hand, the Chinese president has embraced a more assertive foreign policy, particularly regarding Taiwan and the South China Sea. On the other hand, he has focused on expanding China’s global influence through economic, diplomatic, and military means. China’s growing economic clout, military modernization, and efforts to reshape international institutions have positioned Xi as a key figure in the global geopolitical landscape, contributing to the perception of China’s rebirth from the humiliations of the past.
Furthermore, Xi’s attempts to reform global governance in institutions such as the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the World Trade Organization suggest his government’s intent to build an alternative model of world governance, with China as a dominant power within it. This intent is also evident in the creation of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a trade project aimed at strengthening ties with over 140 countries by financing infrastructure projects like roads, ports, and railways to enhance Chinese influence across Asia, Africa, and Europe. The BRI can be seen as a neo-Maoist project, seeking to revitalize the socialist revolution, which, according to Mao, should begin in the countryside (the Third World and peripheral areas) before spreading to the cities (Europe and America).
Yet, on the other hand, Xi’s diplomatic discourse has always been conciliatory and benevolent. Economic partners in the BRI, despite some concerns about a potential debt trap, continue to benefit from the Chinese project, which, according to Xi, offers financial support for developing countries and aims to serve as a bridge between the East and the West, much like the ancient Silk Road. Additionally, the development of the BRICS community represents a step toward China’s economic independence from U.S. protectionist policies toward Beijing. However, this does not imply that Beijing seeks to dominate the world through its economic power.
To better understand Xi’s foreign policy choices, it is useful to consider the concept of “harmony in diversity” rooted in Buddhism, which has been adapted into a political theory for 21st-century China by contemporary Chinese philosopher Zhao Tingyang. According to Zhao, the world does not need a single interpretation of governance. Unlike the West, which focuses on projecting its values globally, the Chinese model of governance does not aim for domination but rather seeks to harmonize international relations between diverse societies and cultures.
Thus, according to Zhao, harmony in diversity entails a commitment by all actors to establish constructive relations with others while recognizing the differing cultural backgrounds of their counterparts. This awareness leads to diverse visions of world order. In this context, institutions like the IMF, the World Bank, and the WTO can be seen as reflecting Western values. In contrast, the BRICS and the BRI embody a different vision of world order. The United Nations, however, may serve as a synthesis of these various visions, functioning as the international institution where harmonious relationships can be cultivated.
As a result, Xi’s political thought is highly complex, drawing from a variety of philosophical traditions, historical memories, and personal experiences. The ancient is intertwined with the modern, force is balanced with diplomacy, and the personal is connected to the collective. At times, this heterogeneous vision may appear ambivalent, while at other times, it is remarkably coherent. Certain policies may highlight elements of one tradition, while others draw from different traditions.
More specifically, most of the time, elements of one tradition combine with elements of another to create multifaceted policies. To a Western observer, this may seem confusing. Yet, if there is one lesson that Xi and, in general, Chinese politicians have learned from their millennial and rich history, it is that the realm of politics is the realm of compromise. As Daoism suggests: Yin and Yang may initially appear as two opposite forces, yet one cannot exist without the other. Once this concept is grasped, one can begin to truly understand Chinese politics.
Riccardo Nachtigal is a Master Student in East Asian Studies at University of Groningen, Netherlands. His main fields of studies are Chinese Foreign Policy, Sino-Russian relations, EU-China relations and the Asia-Pacific region.