Xi Jinping was born in Beijing in 1953, four years after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China. At the time, the country was under the leadership of Mao Zedong, who had led the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to victory. From 1927 to 1949, a major conflict was intermittently fought between the CCP and the Kuomintang, resulting in the establishment of a communist state. In addition to the civil war, the Chinese also had to repel Japanese forces during the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945).

This war eventually merged into the broader conflict of World War II, during which China was one of the Allied Powers. Both the Chinese Civil War and the Second Sino-Japanese War continue to have a lasting impact on China today, particularly on its relations with two of its closest neighbors, Japan and Taiwan. As China was recovering from years of conflict, Xi’s formative years were deeply shaped by his family background. His father, Xi Zhongxun, was especially influential in his development.

Xi Zhongxun was not only an influence on his son but also on his country. He played a significant role in bringing the CCP to power. Although he was highly respected within the CCP, he was eventually expelled from the party and imprisoned. Despite this, his son Xi Jinping would go on to become a key figure in the CCP. Since 2012, Xi Jinping has served as the General Secretary of the CCP and the Chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC). The following year, he also became the President of the People’s Republic of China.

Widely regarded as one of modern China’s most powerful leaders, Xi’s leadership has had profound implications at both domestic and international levels. Within China, he has campaigned against corruption, though some critics argue that this has been a tool to eliminate political rivals. Internationally, Xi has sought to expand China’s influence through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). However, this project has faced significant criticism, with opponents suggesting that it serves as a means for China to exert political leverage over participating countries.

Since coming to power, Xi Jinping has played a pivotal role in shaping the CCP and, by extension, the entire country. His views are deeply connected to the themes of humiliation and nationalism, both of which are central to his vision for China’s future and its position in the world. Under his leadership, Xi has emphasized national rejuvenation as a pathway to restoring China’s historical greatness. At a reception in September commemorating the 75th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, Xi stressed that the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is a shared goal for all its sons and daughters. During his speech, he explicitly included the citizens of Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan as his fellow countrymen.

The Rise of Xi Jinping

The Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) was a decade-long political and social upheaval launched by Mao Zedong, the Chairman of the CCP, aimed at reinforcing communist ideology and purging capitalist elements from Chinese society. During this period, Xi Jinping, like many other educated youths, was sent to work in poor rural villages. It was also a time when Chinese citizens, especially young people, were mobilized to challenge authority and denounce those deemed counterrevolutionaries.

Even family members were not exempt from scrutiny. The Cultural Revolution was a turbulent time that tore families apart. Xi himself was forced on stage to be publicly condemned by a crowd that included his own mother. His family faced further tragedy when his sister, Xi Heping, died. While official records state that she died after being persecuted by Red Guards, it is possible she committed suicide under duress. Following this tumultuous period, Xi graduated from Tsinghua University in 1979 with a degree in chemical engineering.

After graduation, Xi Jinping joined the military as an aide in the Central Military Commission and the Defense Ministry. In 1985, he became vice mayor of Xiamen, a sub-provincial city in southeastern Fujian, a position he held for seventeen years. He continued rising through the political ranks, becoming governor of Fujian province from 2000 to 2002, before being appointed party chief of Zhejiang province. He remained in that role until March 2007, when he was named party chief of Shanghai.

Seven months later, Xi entered the national leadership as one of the nine members of the Politburo Standing Committee, the highest leadership body of the Communist Party. Xi’s rise continued when he became Vice President of China in 2008. His efforts during this time helped him secure widespread support within the party, ultimately leading to his appointment as General Secretary of the CCP in 2012 and President of the People’s Republic of China in 2013. He was elected General Secretary at the 18th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party.

Xi Jinping’s rise to power was marked by the retirement of numerous senior members of the Politburo. Around that time, the European Parliament published a report titled Quick Policy Insight: China’s New Leadership by Xavier Nuttin, which noted that little was known about Xi’s true political beliefs, aside from his zero-tolerance policy for corruption. The report also mentioned that two months before the 18th National Congress, Xi disappeared from public view. However, due to the highly secretive nature of the Chinese political system, his whereabouts during that period have never been disclosed.

Domination within the Party

Xi Jinping’s rise to power within the party has been marked by a deliberate consolidation of authority. Over the years, Xi has tightened his control in several notable ways, including the abolishment of term limits. In 1982, Deng Xiaoping (1904–1997), another key figure in modern Chinese history, introduced term limits. A significant motive for this reform was to prevent any one individual from amassing too much power.

In 2018, Chinese media outlets reported that Xi was concurrently holding three key posts, granting him control over the party, the military, and the state. Media commentators argued that having term limits apply only to the presidency did not make sense, as no such limits existed for Xi’s other two major roles—party leader and military chairman. That same year, term limits were removed from China’s constitution, allowing Xi to rule indefinitely. In March 2023, Xi was granted an unprecedented third term, further solidifying his grip on power. Alongside removing term limits, Xi has also established significant control over the military.

By implementing sweeping reforms within China’s military, Xi Jinping has ensured that the military remains loyal to the CCP. Xi believes that strong countries require strong militaries. According to The Pursuit of Light, a documentary aired by state broadcaster China Central Television (CCTV), Xi views a close connection between the military and government as essential, citing the collapse of the Soviet Union as a cautionary example. He believes that if China’s military is not fully committed to the CCP, it could lead to similar problems.

As a result, Xi has directed China’s top military leaders to reinforce the CCP’s complete control over the armed forces. As Chairman of the Central Military Commission, General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, and President of the People’s Republic of China, Xi has established a centralized leadership structure that consolidates his personal authority and promotes “Xi Jinping Thought.” His goal is to implement a form of socialism with Chinese characteristics without facing significant opposition. This consolidation of power shapes China’s domestic policies and strengthens its position as a dominant force on the global stage.

Anti-Corruption Campaigns

Anti-corruption has been a central theme of Xi Jinping’s administration. He has vowed to combat corruption by “killing tigers and swatting flies,” meaning that corruption at all levels—whether among high-ranking government officials or lower-level bureaucrats—will be targeted. Xi’s predecessor, Hu Jintao, had warned in 2012, as he was bidding farewell to his role, that corruption could lead to the collapse of the CCP and the downfall of the state.

In Xi’s first speech as General Secretary of the CCP, he highlighted corruption as one of the most pressing problems within the party that needed to be addressed. More than a decade later, Xi continues his anti-corruption campaign. However, there are concerns that this campaign serves as a tool to target dissenters, with some drawing comparisons between Xi and Stalin. Nonetheless, others argue that Xi’s fears are not unfounded, as corruption remains an ongoing issue in China.

An article from Foreign Affairs (How Corruption Fuels Inequality in China by Milanovic & Yang), published this past September, stated that corruption in China has been on the rise in recent decades and has significantly contributed to inequality. Corruption has been found to be particularly widespread among the wealthiest individuals in China’s cities. Even those with high legal incomes can multiply their earnings by four to six times, with some earning even more. This indicates that the actual gap between the rich and poor in China is much larger than what official reports suggest.

During Xi Jinping’s leadership, Zhou Yongkang, one of the most powerful figures in the CCP, was convicted of corruption and sentenced to life in prison. Other Chinese officials arrested for corruption include Sun Zhengcai, Wang Guosheng, and Fu Zhenghua. Notably, Fu Zhenghua had led several anti-corruption campaigns himself. Despite his role in high-profile investigations, Fu later pleaded guilty to accepting 117 million yuan (approximately $16.5 million USD) in gifts and bribes.

In September 2022, Fu Zhenghua was sentenced to death by a court in Changchun, although the sentence was commuted to life in prison after two years. More recently, Li Quan, a former insurance executive, was arrested on charges of suspected embezzlement and bribery. He is one of the latest prominent individuals ensnared in an extensive anti-corruption initiative targeting China’s financial sector.

Propaganda and Media Control

By utilizing his anti-corruption campaign as a political tool and removing term limits, Xi Jinping has leveraged his control over state media to consolidate his narrative and shape public opinion. Media outlets in China are expected to promote the CCP’s ideology, with strict censorship enforced. In addition to CCTV, other major outlets such as Xinhua News Agency and China National Radio are also state-controlled. While the Chinese constitution nominally guarantees the right to free speech, the reality is much different.

Reporters Without Borders, a non-profit organization advocating for freedom of information, has reported that journalists in China are often silenced through accusations of crimes such as espionage or “pocket crimes.” The term “pocket crimes” is deliberately vague, allowing authorities to label virtually anyone as a troublemaker. Furthermore, Xi has fostered the creation and maintenance of a cult of personality. This phenomenon is reminiscent of Mao Zedong’s rule, which Deng Xiaoping opposed due to the dangers it posed to governance and stability.

Deng Xiaoping was acutely aware of the dangers associated with a cult of personality, having witnessed its consequences during the Cultural Revolution under Mao Zedong. As a result, he emphasized collective leadership. In November 2017, party official Xie Chuntao claimed that the cult of personality surrounding Mao would not reoccur, asserting that the admiration for Xi Jinping was natural and not comparable to a cult of personality. However, since Xi assumed leadership, books, songs, and even dance routines have been created in his honor.

The media plays a crucial role in shaping a positive image of Xi, portraying him as a strong and capable leader. Any negative portrayal of him is swiftly censored. One notable example of this censorship is the comparison between Xi and the cartoon character Winnie the Pooh. The association began in 2013 when social media users compared Xi to the bear due to perceived similarities in their physiques. In 2018, a film featuring Winnie the Pooh was banned in China because the character had been used as a symbol to mock Xi.

Last year, public screenings of a film featuring Winnie the Pooh were abruptly pulled from theaters in Hong Kong, prompting speculation that the decision was due to the ongoing comparison between Xi Jinping and the beloved character. This incident has heightened concerns about the increasing censorship in China, which is recognized as having one of the harshest censorship regimes in the world. The Publicity Department of the Chinese Communist Party is a key organ in the CCP’s propaganda apparatus and plays a central role in shaping public discourse within the country. Its efforts ensure that narratives align with party ideology and suppress dissenting voices.

Domestic Policy

During his leadership, Xi has focused on “common prosperity,” a key economic policy aimed at reducing inequality and promoting a more equitable
distribution of wealth in China. He began introducing the term in August 2021, during the 10th meeting of the Central Committee for Financial and Economic Affairs. While the phrase may have gained prominence recently, the underlying concepts have been part of China’s development narrative for years, including under the leadership of both Mao and Deng. As for Xi, there are concerns about income inequality around the world being a significant issue. During the meeting in August 2021, Xi stated that “in some countries, the wealth gap and middle-class collapse have aggravated social divisions, political polarization, and populism, giving a profound lesson to the world.” Due to such issues, Xi believes that his country “must make resolute efforts” to combat polarization, promote prosperity, and to achieve ‘social harmony and stability.”

There are efforts being made by Xi to advance common prosperity in phases. By the end of the 14th Five-year Plan (2021-2025), there is the hope that China will progress towards gradually reducing income equality and narrowing consumption gaps. By 2035, the goal is to make more meaningful strides toward achieving common prosperity for everyone and to effectively guarantee equitable access to essential public services. By the middle of the 21st century, the hope is to largely attain common prosperity for all. This will be achieved by narrowing the income and consumption disparities between urban and rural areas to a reasonable level. Under Xi’s leadership, hard work and innovation are to be encouraged, as will the development of the public sector and the nonpublic sector. During Xi’s speech in August 2021, he stated that this goal would not be done overnight. It would take patience and would require long-term efforts.

Although Xi has taken strides to improve the economy, issues remain. While Chinese authorities have ramped up policy stimulus since September, economic growth has slowed. In October, SCMP reported that China just had its lowest quarterly economic growth since the middle of last year. The country has had ongoing economic struggles in 2024, with top companies downsizing and cutting staff-related expenses. Furthermore, in addition to sluggish growth, China struggles with other economic issues, including an aging population, environmental degradation, and high levels of debt. Despite having the world’s second-largest economy, the country’s debt-to-GDP ratio reached a record 288% last year. With a struggling economy and a slew of other problems, Xi faces significant challenges in realizing his vision of common prosperity. There needs to be a balanced approach that addresses both immediate economic concerns and the long-term goal of equitable growth, especially in a country where roughly 300 million people are set to leave the workforce and where the population is declining.

Foreign Policy

For the past seventy years, China has emphasized mutual respect, cooperation, and harmony among nations, aiming to create a more interconnected and peaceful world. As this year marks the 70th anniversary of this foreign relations principle, Xi delivered an address at a conference to mark the occasion this past July. During his speech, Xi acknowledged that all countries have a common future and interconnected interests. As today’s world is more interconnected, we all share challenges, interests, and responsibilities.

One aspect of this idea of being interconnected, has been the BRI, a global development strategy launched by China in 2013. This plan, which has sometimes been referred to as the New Silk Road, aims to enhance global trade and foster economic cooperation by building a network of roads, railways, and other infrastructure around the world. BRI has garnered attention for allowing participating countries to upgrade infrastructure and stimulate economic growth by facilitating trade. It is not without criticism, however, as concerns have been raised about the quality of the infrastructure, the debt brought on by the costs of building, and political tensions over countries perceiving BRI as a means for China to expand its influence.

For example, in October, China invited Colombia to join BRI. With Colombia and other Latin American countries showing an interest in the initiative, regional dynamics could shift. The US, which considers the region to be in its “backyard,” tensions could escalate as it seeks to maintain its influence in Latin America. The US has long viewed the region as a key area for its geopolitical interests, and China’s BRI presents a challenge to the status quo.

A 110-year period that is often referred to as the “century of humiliation” (1839-1949) is a significant chapter in Chinese history and one that Xi is fixated on. This era began with the First Opium War in 1839, when China was forced to cede Hong Kong to Britain and open its ports to foreign trade. It was not until the victory of the CCP in 1949, under Mao, that China was able to reassert its sovereignty and independence, marking the end of this era. Throughout the 110-year period, China experienced a series of defeats, territorial concessions, and foreign interventions by Western powers and Japan.

The century of humiliation continues to resonate with the Chinese and has an immense impact on their psyche. For Xi, the period is a substantial focus of his and he aspires to bring back the greatness of China. The country is considered one of the world’s oldest civilizations and has contributed many important inventions, including gunpowder, the compass, and paper money. China is also noted for its architecture, art, medicine, and contributions that have been made to astronomy. By addressing the humiliation that China once suffered, Xi hopes to reclaim what he sees as China’s rightful place in the world.

There has been a noted resurgence in Chinese nationalism under Xi. For example, an increasing number of young people are turning away from Western brands and purchasing Chinese brands instead. However, nationalists have even begun to attack these brands. An article from The Economist (Why are Chinese nationalists turning on Chinese brands?) that was published this past March describes how Chinese nationalists have targeted Western brands such as Nike for perceived insults of Chinese culture. The American brand Nike was once attacked for depicting a man beating a dragon in a game of basketball. Western brands are not the only brands that have been criticized though. Chinese nationalists have even taken aim at Chinese brands.

In March, Nongfu, a bottled water company, was targeted by Chinese nationalists. Their criticism came after the design on a new beverage by Nongfu resembled Yasukuni Shrine. This shrine is controversial in China, as well as in other parts of Asia, as it is the place where Japan’s war dead (including people who committed war crimes) are commemorated. During World War II, the Japanese empire was responsible for numerous atrocities across East and Southeast Asia. The painful memories of these years continue to be a source of tension between Japan and other countries, especially China.

The Chinese government has increasingly targeted younger people through education and social media to instill nationalist sentiment. One crucial problem with this is that unemployment rates remain high, particularly among China’s youth. In August, the youth unemployment rate rose, reaching its highest level since the new record-keeping system was implemented in December. With millions of young people struggling to find jobs, Xi’s push for nationalism and unity is surely being tested.

Outside of China, tensions in the South China Sea are compromising China’s emphasis on harmony as it relates to international relations. The
Philippines is one country that has especially been at odds with China over this region. In 2013, the country even took legal action against China regarding disputes in the South China Sea. In October, a Filipino lawmaker urged the US to donate one of its guided-missile cruisers. The South China Sea and tensions over this region between China and countries such as the Philippines feed into Xi’s broader narrative of reclaiming national pride and sovereignty.

What remains to be seen is whether the growing sense of nationalism and support for the CCP will continue to unify the Chinese or if it will ultimately lead to dissent, especially in the face of ongoing economic challenges and international pressures. Ultimately, the future of nationalism in China under Xi will depend on how effectively the government can navigate these problems. If Xi and his administration can nurture a sense of pride while addressing the concerns of citizens, there may be a solidified sense of national identity that bolsters the CCP’s legitimacy. Otherwise, if economic hardships continue and external conflicts escalate, the same nationalism that the government seeks to harness may turn into a
source of unrest.

To sum up, Xi’s upbringing had a significant impact on his worldview. Despite his father’s fall from grace with the CCP, Xi has gone on to become a key figure in the party. His rise to power has been marked by a deliberate consolidation of power. Xi has been especially concerned with corruption, but there are fears that his anti-corruption campaign may be used to eliminate political rivals and strengthen his control over the party. In addition to a focus on corruption, his time in office has been characterized by the promotion of a national rejuvenation agenda that emphasizes nationalism and aims to restore China’s historical greatness. Domestically, Xi advocates for “common prosperity” to reduce inequality, while internationally, he seeks to expand China’s influence through initiatives like the BRI. His effectiveness in his role as China’s leader will be measured by his capacity to maintain stability and support while addressing the aspirations and grievances of the Chinese people while also managing tensions in contentious areas like the South China Sea.